Introduction

Unlike European missionaries, who frequently appeared in our “Memoires de la Congregation de la Mission La Chine” (MCMC), Chinese Confreres have only occasionally been highlighted. There are several reasons for this: first, most of the information was recorded by Westerners, and second, Chinese Confreres rarely wrote their own stories. Paul Sou is an exception; his name appears numerous times in the MCMC, in the diary of Andreas Ly, a native priest who lived at the same time and in the same place as him, and he is frequently mentioned in the diary of Bishop de Martillat or by one of the procurators of the Foreign Missions in Macao. He also wrote some letters to our confreres in Latin, which can be found in the MCMC. These accounts provide abundant information about Paul Sou, especially compared to Stephanus Hsu and Peter Chu, two other Chinese priests ordained by Bishop Johannes Müllener (Chinese name:穆天凡). Despite the challenges, it is worthwhile to document the story of Paul Sou, our first Chinese Vincentian.

Where the story began

In 1699, two Vincentian priests, Frs. Luigi Antonio Appiani (Chinese name 畢天祥) and Johannes Müllener (穆天凡), arrived in Canton with a specific mission: to establish a seminary in either Beijing or Canton. At that time, the Chinese Rites controversy, which had been ongoing for half a century, was at its peak. Given that both Canton and Beijing were centers of this controversy, the mission of these two confreres seemed nearly impossible. Therefore, they sought a more remote location that was not frequently visited by Europeans. Familiar with the reputation for charity and other virtues of Bishop de Lyonne of the Foreign Missions, who had recently been appointed bishop of Rosalie and Apostolic Vicar of Sichuan (四川), they decided to travel to that region to dedicate themselves to their apostolic task of establishing a seminary for native clergy. According to Appiani’s report, the journey from Canton (now Guangdong 廣東) to Sichuan (四川) took about three months. He did not specify the means of transportation used (whether by boat or by horse).

Thus began the long story of the Vincentians’ mission in China! Upon their arrival in April 1702, Fr. Appiani purchased a house in the town of Chungking-fou (now Chongqing Municipality 重慶), which marks the southern limit of the relatively low Huaying Mountains (華鎣山). Chongqing was described as the most commercial city in the province. The city is built on and around a hilly promontory of red sandstone and shale that extends southward from Sichuan. This promontory is bordered to the north by the Jialing River (嘉陵江) and to the east and south by the Yangtze River (長江), effectively forming a peninsula between the two rivers. The houses are arranged in an amphitheatre-like manner. The air is healthy with a humid subtropical climate, allowing for a variety of fruits to be available year-round, and the rivers are teeming with fish. The city is known for its unique trunks made of interwoven canes, painted in various colors.¹

Before buying a house, Fr. Appiani had to visit the local mandarins² to seek their permission. The mandarins were already aware that four Europeans had arrived: two of them, Frs. Basset and de la Balvère of the Foreign Missions, had gone to Chengdu (成都), the capital of Sichuan province, while the other two, Appiani and Müllener, had stayed in Chongqing (重慶). This arrangement was agreed upon and took effect in 1703. It is important to note that the two Lazarists were there as the delegates of the Sacred Congregation, while the two Foreign Mission priests were sent by their own congregation. This distinction is significant as it impacted the future of the mission in Sichuan.

Emperor Kangxi had decreed that all foreign missionaries must apply for a piao³, (imperial license for a mission) if they intended to reside in China (decree of December 17, 1706). Missionaries without a piao had to conduct their mission clandestinely, risking deportation or imprisonment. This decree had serious consequences for the foreign priests in Sichuan, as none of them had a piao. During the persecution of 1706, all the missionaries, including the Vincentians and Foreign Mission priests, were banished. Appiani, who had just returned from traveling to Beijing with Bishop de Tournon, was captured and imprisoned upon his arrival in Sichuan. Similarly, Müllener had to leave Chongqing for Canton immediately. In 1707, Müllener was brought back to Sichuan and then went to Beijing to obtain a piao.After, however, undergoing more than 90 interrogations, he was expelled again and sent back to Canton at the end of 1708. The military confiscated their house in Sichuan and allowed it to be occupied illegally.

In 1708, while in Canton, Fr. Appiani learned that another Vincentian, Fr. Théodoric Pedrini (Chinese name 德理格), was in Manila, awaiting his departure to Macao and Canton before eventually heading to Beijing. Meanwhile, Appiani was imprisoned in Canton, chained and tortured, with his only crime being a good man. Cardinal de Tournon was also not free. While Pedrini waited in Manila for the right moment to enter China, Müllener had been banned from China. Following the cardinal’s advice, Müllener prepared to leave Canton for Batavia (Jakarta), longing for the day he could return to China. He spent about a year in Batavia (1709-1710) before eventually being able to return to Canton.

By God’s providence, the three missionaries managed to reunite in Canton in 1710/11. No one had imagined they would have the chance to see each other there! After enduring many difficulties and various sufferings, the three missionaries, separated for such a long time, were finally going to meet for the first (and the last) time in their lives. They were together for a brief time before embarking on another series of journeys. Appiani remained in prison, Müllener faced uncertainty about whether he could return to Sichuan or had to go elsewhere, and Pedrini waited for the right moment to go to Beijing. Despite their different challenges and uncertainties, it was divine Providence that orchestrated this emotional meeting in such a unique place—Appiani’s prison. What a gathering! Pedrini wrote, “I have had the joy of embracing him twice in his prison. A third time we were all together in his prison, we the three missionaries of the small Company: Fr. Appiani, Fr. Müllener, and I. Fr. Müllener conducts Missions in certain mountains of China, which are not submitted to the Emperor; we write each other letters; several times before his departure, I had the occasion of embracing him … like the first Christians in the deserts and the catacombs.”⁴

In Canton, Fr. Müllener spent most of his time in hiding, waiting for the government’s decision on Appiani’s case, with plans to eventually travel together to Sichuan. When it became clear that Appiani’s freedom was unattainable, Müllener decided to conduct a mission among the mountain peoples near Canton. As a follower of St. Vincent, he surrendered to God’s Providence, which led to an encounter with an old catechumen. This meeting marked a new chapter in the Vincentians’ history in China. The catechumen completely dedicated himself to God, renouncing the world, and, with mutual consent, left his wife, children, and parents to follow Fr. Müllener until death, becoming “the apostle of Sichuan.” This man was Sulpice Sou (蘇), who would become the future catechist and father of the first Chinese Vincentian, Paul Sou.

The two attempted to evangelize the minority groups but soon realized it was unrealistic due to circumstances such as war and a chaotic social system that even Chinese officials avoided. With no hope of beginning a mission in Canton or the surrounding mountains, they considered returning to the old mission area in the mountains of Sichuan. From his prison, Appiani sought advice from Fr. Abbe Cordero and Fr. Terra on how to carry out the mission near Canton … doing so in accord with the wishes of Cardinal de Tournon. After much discussion, they decided not to leave Müllener in limbo for too long; he had to go back to Sichuan.

They faced, however, the challenge of securing the necessary funds for Müllener to undertake the three or four month journey, purchase a house, either in the mountains or another part of Sichuan province where he would be safe, and cover living expenses for himself and the laypeople accompanying him on his missions. Money was always their biggest problem.

The biggest donor, Cardinal Tournon, had passed away during the previous year. Pedrini, who had just arrived and was preparing to leave for Beijing, also needed financial assistance so he could begin his work there without worrying about money. Appiani expressed his frustration that the Italian confreres had not sent him any allowance … as if they no longer cared for him. While Pedrini’s problem was resolved with 500 piasters from Appiani for his travel to Beijing⁵, Appiani was troubled about how to fund the journey and the mission work in Sichuan. They needed to send Müllener with the best possible preparation, but finding the necessary funds was crucial; otherwise, Müllener would not reach his destination. Appiani’s leadership and personality were severely tested, even while he was in prison, as he had to think through all these matters.

At the most critical moment, God sent help through Abbé Cordero. “His zeal for preaching the gospel and his love for us pushed him to overcome obstacles that would have been insurmountable for others. Of the 1,000 piasters I had lent to our cardinal in Beijing in 1706, he made Father Cerù return 500 to me, risking being blamed by the Sacred Congregation⁶ for our sake.” With the financial matter resolved, Appiani kept 30 piasters for himself. Müllener’s long journey to Sichuan began. He brought his helper and the helper’s two children. The helper acted as a courier, carrying letters to and from Appiani. They agreed to meet in a certain town, with those arriving earlier waiting for the others.

The first son, Paul Sou, was born around 1692 in Shunde County, Guangdong Province. He was baptized by Appiani in Canton when he was 8 years old. Due, however, to the lack of a permanent priest in Canton and Paul’s interest in painting and other manual crafts, he drifted away from the church for a time. Müllener’s return from Batavia was a blessing, allowing Paul and his father to reconnect with the church. Paul quickly won the priests’ hearts; he was reliable and well-liked by the Italian Abbés. Cardinal Tournon even hired him as a personal secretary because of his beautiful handwriting. Unfortunately, prolonged exposure to ink affected Paul’s health, particularly his lungs, leading to tuberculosis.

The second son, Antoine, was six years younger than Paul. Paul’s interest in studying revived, perhaps spurred by Antoine’s presence. Cardinal Tournon loved Antoine for his natural sweetness and curiosity, showing interest in learning new things. Appiani baptized Antoine at age 5 and taught him Latin, conversing with him in that language as well. Appiani hoped Antoine would continue his studies wherever he stayed. Antoine would join the group traveling to Sichuan, becoming the youngest member.

The small group of four—two adults and two young boys—was ready to depart. At the last minute, another adolescent, Philippe, asked to join them. Philippe, a former student from Macao, had left due to health reasons. He was a native of Sichuan, and one of his sisters had consecrated herself to God through a vow of virginity. After some consideration, the group allowed him to join, despite initial reluctance, recognizing his modesty, humility, and zeal. Appiani, who saw Philippe briefly, was impressed by his humble and devout behavior … there are no further records about Philippe’s fate.

For Müllener, determined to work on forming local clergy and catechists, the presence of these children brought hope for having good catechists and perhaps even future priests.

Now, he will travel to wherever the Holy Spirit leads him, much like Abraham was called by Yahweh to the promised land, moving forward guided by faith. He planned to enter Chongqing through the mountains at the borders of Huguang,⁷ Guizhou, and Sichuan. On July 29, 1711, after almost four months of travel, he arrived in Changde, Huguang (modern-day Hunan Province), a port city situated at the mouth of the Yuánjiāng River. The journey took longer than usual due to necessary detours for safety reasons. The small group paused here because it was too hot to continue traveling to Chongqing, and they needed to switch to a larger boat for the Yangtze River.

While waiting, Müllener, driven by his evangelical zeal, found an opportunity to preach to the citizens of Changde. He discovered only one baptized Christian in the town who had been away from the church for a long time. Müllener began teaching him, just as he had done with the Sou family in Canton, and even managed to preach to non- believers, converting some of them. The advantage of this location was the use of Mandarin Chinese, with no particular dialect hindering the gospel’s spread. In a short time, Müllener and his companions connected with the locals, baptized them, and encouraged them to observe the Church’s precepts. Despite revealing that he was a fugitive and quite poor, the people accepted him and his teachings.

Seeing the success of his initial mission and the favorable conditions of the place—the openness of the people, the affordable living expenses, and the strategic location that allowed connection to all parts of China, especially for picking up yearly allowances from Canton—Müllener felt compelled to invest more time and effort in the Christian community of Changde. It would only take 25 days to travel to Canton by land from Changde. Müllener began discussing with Appiani his plan to buy property for a church and seminary there, using Sulpice’s name to avoid unnecessary issues with the authorities, especially during times of persecution as experienced in Chongqing and Chengdu a few years ago.

Müllener managed to build a church in Changde, but the Christians in Sichuan were waiting for his return. On December 27th, two Christians from his former mission area came to ask him to accompany them back to Sichuan immediately. Feeling, however, a sense of responsibility to the newly established Christian community in Changde, he decided to stay until after Easter the following year, probably wanting to celebrate Easter with them. During this time, the small community of five continued their mission, teaching, evangelizing, and administering the sacraments. Müllener also taught his pupils basic Christian morals and Latin, involving them as altar servers. In a sense, Müllener had already begun his “seminary in diaspora” in Changde.

Tragically, Antoine, the younger brother of Paul and one of Sulpice’s sons, contracted smallpox. Within three days, he was near death. While there are no records of the treatment he received or whether a Chinese doctor was called, we know that Fr. Müllener was busy administering the last rites. Antoine died on February 17, 1712, at the age of 14 and was buried in the church garden rather than the common cemetery, with all the Christians present. This was a deeply sad moment for the small group, but they remained determined to continue their mission to Sichuan.

The group, now including the two Christians from Sichuan, planned to depart for Sichuan on April 8, 1712, shortly after Easter. It was an emotional moment for both the small group and the new community in Changde. One can imagine how difficult it was for Sou’s family to say goodbye to Antoine and leave his grave behind. Müllener showed great courage in entrusting the care of the church to the new community. The Changde community likely felt reluctant to see them leave. Although it is unclear who would take charge of the newly built community, Müllener was confident that it would thrive under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, which proved to be true. This scene is reminiscent of St. Paul’s farewell to the Ephesian elders, as Paul, filled with the Holy Spirit, heads to Jerusalem, knowing only that prison and hardships await him.⁸ Later, as a priest, Paul Sou regularly visited this place and helped solve property issues.

The journey to their destination was fraught with peril. Along the way, they encountered another Christian from Sichuan whom Müllener had sent from Canton to inform the Christians in Sichuan of his imminent arrival. He brought the troubling news that the mandarins were actively searching for Müllener. Consequently, they had to make further detours. The path ahead was often treacherous and difficult to navigate. They faced numerous rapids 35 miles above Chengde, complicating their journey. They narrowly escaped three shipwrecks before reaching the border of Sichuan and Huguang at Pien-Tchou-Fou.⁹

Müllener and his companions did not always travel by boat; many times, they journeyed inland, traversing mountains and encountering various native tribes. He described these tribes as similar to the Chinese in most respects, except in their marital customs, where they only paid attention to the second and third degrees of consanguinity. They lived simply and honestly. Despite spending three months with them, Müllener found it challenging to preach due to the language barrier and the risk to the tribes if the mandarins discovered his presence. He left his Chinese companions to continue the mission work there.

On July 22, they departed from the mountain area, traveling overland for six days under the summer sun, eventually reaching another mountainous refuge, Sou-Nan-Fou (modern-day Sinan County, 思南县)¹⁰ in Guizhou Province (貴州省), now part of Tongren Prefecture (銅仁). This isolated area, surrounded by mountains and 46 small villages, was inhabited by indigenous people rather than Han Chinese. These indigenous people, likely the Miao (苗族) of northeastern Yunnan and northwestern Guizhou, lived relatively free from the empire’s laws, providing a haven for Müllener’s group and their evangelical work. Today, Tongren has a church and a small Christian community, whose origins might trace back to Müllener’s efforts.

In Sinan, Müllener’s work involved visiting people, proselytizing, and teaching his pupils basic Christian doctrines, morals, and Latin. Although the duration of his stay is undocumented, he eventually left two of his Chinese companions (possibly those who had met him in Changde) to continue the mission work there.

This narrative highlights the persistent efforts and challenges Müllener and his companions faced in their mission, and highlights their dedication to spreading Christianity despite numerous obstacles.

After the celebration of Easter in April 1713, Müllener and his small group arrived in Chongqing only to find that their church and the first house he and Appiani had purchased in 1703 had been occupied by unknown intruders. Undeterred, Müllener sought out new locations for his church and seminary. He eventually secured three different buildings, where he continued his ministry and was consoled by the many converts. Among these new Christians were several courageous girls who embraced celibacy and fulfilled their saintly duties with dedication.¹¹ This period was relatively calm for the mission in Sichuan.

Müllener continued training his pupils for the priesthood, serving the mission in Sichuan alone until 1715 when Father de la Baluère from the Foreign Missions arrived in Chengdu. Unfortunately, de la Baluère died shortly after his arrival, leaving Müllener once again as the sole priest in the province.

The situation became increasingly complicated with the culmination of the “Rites Controversy” and the publication of the Papal Bull “Ex illa die” in 1715. This decree forbade the toleration of traditional Chinese rites and insisted on the practice of Catholicism according to its European traditions. Specifically, Chinese Catholics were forbidden from practicing ancestor worship, a culturally significant tradition that even the broad-minded Kangxi Emperor could not accept.

The missionaries themselves were deeply divided on this issue, leading to further complications. As a result, Christian teachings were officially banned in China. From that year onward, the church suffered many local and several general persecutions, fueled by the xenophobia of officials and the Emperor’s deep suspicion and fear of secret societies and rebellions. The internal divisions among the missionaries only exacerbated the already tense situation.

Despite these challenges, Müllener’s dedication to his mission and his community’s resilience demonstrated the strength and faith of the early Christian communities in Sichuan.

Despite the challenges, Father Müllener managed to maintain his presence in Sichuan and was appointed Apostolic Vicar of the mission in 1716. This position also extended his responsibilities to the Huguang province, as Bishop Visdelou had been banished and could not serve there. One of Müllener’s first initiatives as bishop was to continue the formation of native clergy and catechists, a critical task for the future of the mission. The number of seminarians under his care increased, with six Chinese students living with him and receiving education to prepare for the priesthood.

Müllener taught these students basic knowledge of morality and philosophy, but he noted to Propaganda Fide that Chinese boys at the age of 16 and 17 were not as determined to persevere in their vocation as their European counterparts. He considered this remark premature, given that the concept of priesthood was still relatively new to Chinese culture. His efforts were limited because he was often alone and had to travel extensively throughout the vast province that he administered, leaving his students at home under the sole direction of a Chinese teacher. Consequently, they often forgot much of what they had learned, and Müllener had to reteach them upon his return.

Between 1720 and 1725, Müllener conferred minor orders on several young Chinese and ordained three to the priesthood: Paulus Sou Hung-hsiao (蘇鴻孝), Petrus Chu (朱), and Stephanus Su (徐). The fate of these newly ordained priests after their ordination is somewhat unclear.¹² There are suggestions that they might have been sent to Rome for further study, but Müllener and Appiani did not provide detailed accounts of this.

Paul Sou was ordained in 1723 and admitted to the Congregation in 1725, likely in Canton before Father Appiani. In that same year, Müllener moved the seminary to Canton, with plans to eventually open it in Macau. However, the Sacred Congregation ordered him to rebuild the seminary in Sichuan. As a result, they ended up establishing another seminary in Canton under Father Appiani’s direction.

Stephanus Hsu, born in 1694 in Yaoshān xiàn (樂山縣), Jiādìng fǔ (嘉定府) (modern-day Yaoshān 樂山) in Sichuan, studied with La Baluère and later with Müllener before attending the seminary in Siam. Despite his training by the Foreign Mission, he joined the Vincentians, was admitted to the Congregation in 1726, and ordained a priest in July 1729.

Petrus Chu is not listed in the “Les Lazaristes en Chine 1697-1935, notes biographiques” and is believed to have died of tuberculosis on November 14, 1732.¹³ Müllener’s efforts in forming native clergy, despite the numerous obstacles, laid the groundwork for the growth and sustainability of the Christian mission in Sichuan and beyond.

Often, future priests were recruited among boys who were offered to the service of the Church by their parents. Paul Sou is an example of such dedication. He had been with the priests from an early age, traveling from Canton to Chongqing through rivers and mountains, enduring the loss of his younger brother, and saying goodbye to his mother and another sibling at the age of 18.¹⁴ There are no records indicating when Sulpice Sou was appointed as a catechist, but considering his long journey and faithfulness to Müllener, it was likely Müllener trained and appointed him.

Sulpice Sou was a respected catechist who had the privilege of meeting Cardinal Tournon personally. The Cardinal permitted him to engage in trade to support the mission. Like most of Sichuan’s Catholic population, Sou’s family came from humble backgrounds.

Catechists in early 18th century Sichuan were divided into several classes. There were permanent catechists assigned to a village or Christian settlement, and itinerant catechists who travelled from place to place. The itinerant catechists often preached to non-Christians, introduced them to the Catholic religion, baptized babies in danger of death, or ministered to Christian communities that did not have a permanent catechist.¹⁵

Catechists usually resided in the church, setting a good example for the faithful by practicing virtues like humility, patience, charity, and diligence. They were expected to meditate daily and take communion at least once a month.¹⁶ The Church provided financial support for the catechists, though it was modest—usually less than 30 taels per year.¹⁷ As a comparison, Linus Chang, who was appointed by Bishop Müllener as the catechist-general of the province, received a salary of 30 taels¹⁸ a year. This amount was comparable to wages earned by workers in the cotton factories of Suzhou.¹⁹

Paul’s father continued to live with him at the church compound in Hia-sou-hian (下四鄉), along with other foreign missionaries, including the future bishop de Martiliat.

Sulpice Sou passed away at this location on March 1, 1740, at the age of 74, and was buried there.

This community’s commitment and resilience amid challenging conditions highlight the enduring spirit of early Christian missionaries and their followers in Sichuan.

The procurator of the Foreign Missionary described Paul Sou as a short, virtuous, and witty person, particularly highlighting his talent for speaking about the Holy Religion.²⁰ This talent was significant because many priests trained outside of China for extended periods struggled with the local language upon their return. For instance, in 1759, the newly arrived Chinese priest Thomas Yen Chi-I (嚴己益), a native of Fukien, needed to learn more Chinese characters and struggled with the local dialect, making it difficult for him to hear confessions. This issue of language and dialect differences among priests has persisted, with Joseph Gabet C.M (1808–1853) noting that the training of native clergy was often at odds with their culture.

Paul Sou’s education, both locally and possibly overseas, afforded him many advantages. He was able to speak and write in Latin, was fluent in Chinese (including local dialects), and was deeply rooted in his own culture. This combination of linguistic and cultural competencies made him an effective catechist and missionary, capable of bridging the gap between European missionary efforts and the local Chinese context.

Paul Sou’s unique position and abilities exemplify the importance of culturally and linguistically integrated training for missionaries. His success as a catechist and priest underscored the potential benefits of combining local and overseas education to create a more effective and relatable clergy for the local population.

Yohanes Kusno Bintoro, CM
Source: Studia Vincentiana, Volume 2, Number 2 (2024),
DOI: https://doi.org/10.3531

Footnotes:

¹ W. Winterbotham, An Historical, Geographical, and Philosophical View of the Chinese Empire, London, 1795, p. 101. Google books file:///H:/An_Historical_Geographical_and_Philosoph.pdf. I put the new Romanization as well its Chinese character so that the reader can follow the actual place now.

² In Chinese were called shenshi (紳士), Gentleman/Gentry, refers to a special stratum with rich, cultural, prestigious, and social status in the local area. Portuguese gave them the name Mandarin, from mandar, to govern. See Jean- Pierre Charbonnier, Christians in China AD 600 to 2000, Ignatius Press, San Francisco, 2007. Kindle edition, location 913.

³ A.L. Knt, Contribution to an historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China, Principally of Macao, of the Portuguese envoys & Ambassadors to China, of the Roman Catholic Mission in China and the Papal legates to China, Macao, 1832, p.124. The missionaries who wish to stay in China has to join special test. There are many questions that should be answered, but mostly a statement to follow Ricci’s doctrine in doing mission. Then the applicant should have signed and sealed with his own seal.

⁴ MCMC revised ed. Vol 1 (Trans. by Henk De Cuijpers, CM), p. 114.

⁵ Appiani gave Pedrini 500 piasters for his travel to Beijing, (MCMC revised ed. Ibid, p. 122). This story was written by Appiani in a letter date 1^st August 1711. The original letter is kept in Monte-Citorio, Rome.

⁶ MCMC, p.112.

⁷ Huguang generally refers to the two provinces of Hubei and Hunan, also known as the two lakes.

⁸ Act, 20, 22-23.

⁹ I cannot identify this place at the modern map.

¹⁰ James Playfair, D.D, ibid. p. 701. Se-nan-fou, a city in 27° 56′ N. latitude, near the northern extremity of the province, in a narrow and level tract bounded by mountains almost inaccessible and lying between Sichuan and Huguang, on the bank of a river that flows from south-west to north east, and falls into the Kiang below Chongqing.

¹¹ As early as the 1640s, Catholic women in Sichuan are known to have chosen a celibate life in preference to near-universal practice of marriage (cf. Robert E. Entenmann, (1996) ‘Christian Virgins in Eighteenth- Century Sichuan’ in Christianity in China. From the Eighteenth Century to the Present’ Edited by Daniel H, Bays. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press). Also, Maria Jaschok and Shui Jingjun, (2011), “Women, Religion, and Space in China”, New York, Routledge, p. 146.

¹² J. Van den Brant, Les Lazaristes en Chine, 1697-1935, Peiping, Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1936. Indicates that Paulus Su was educated in Rome. The full Chinese names of Petrus Chu and Stephanus Su have not been preserved.

¹³ Sergio Ticozzi, History of the Formation of the Native Catholic Clergy in China, Holy Spirit Study Centre, Hong Kong, 2017, p. 63.

¹⁴ Robert Entenmann, “Chinese catholic clergy and catechists in eighteenth-century Szechwan” in variétés sinologiques – nouvelle série, vol. 78, p. 404-405.

¹⁵ REV. PAOLO MANNA, M. Ap, Conversion of Pagan World, Boston, 1921. P. 156.

¹⁶ The diary of Martiliat, 1744.

¹⁷ See the financial records of the mission from 1740 to 1746 in AME 434,1039-1041, 1043, 1047.

¹⁸ There is no written record about the wage of catechist in MCMC, it is only written that… “Bishop Müllener shares resources which he receives from Europe; he gives every priest 80 patacas a year; because of charity for the others he reduces himself and his two confreres, Etienne Su and Paul Sou to 20 piasters a year.

¹⁹ ROBERT C. ALLEN, “Wages, prices, and living standards in China,1738–1925:in comparison with Europe, Japan, and India,” in Economic History Review, 64, S1 (2011), pp. 8–38. Overall, the daily wages thus derived come to 0.09944 and 0.1144 silver taels in 1730 and 1772 respectively. Their job was ‘to soften and polish cotton cloth after it had been pressed and rubbed, less dangerous compare to the work of catechist.

²⁰ Martiliat, Journal, May 1733, AME 434;501, quoted in “Memoire” Vol 1.